Socialism in Europe and the Russian Revolution

Honorable Judge, Esteemed Members of the Court, and Fellow Citizens,

I stand before you today, not as a criminal, but as a voice—a voice of the oppressed, the weary, and the downtrodden. I am but a humble worker, a cog in the vast machinery of labour, and yet my actions have brought me to this solemn chamber.

Allow me to address the charges against me—the charge of rebellion. Yes, I admit it—I rebelled. But let us delve deeper into the roots of this rebellion, for it is not born of malice or anarchy. It is born of desperation, of hunger, and of the relentless grind that crushes our bones and spirits. Yes, I stand accused, but what of the price we pay daily? The price of broken bodies, shattered dreams, and families torn apart. Our rebellion is not a crime; it is a testament to our resilience, our unwavering belief that a better world is possible.

1. Conservative Paper in France:
   Headline: “Bolshevik Uprising Shakes Petrograd!”
   “In a dramatic turn of events, Bolshevik forces led by Vladimir Lenin seized control of Petrograd, toppling the provisional government. The Winter Palace fell to the revolutionaries, marking the end of dual power and the dissolution of the Russian Provisional Government. The Second Congress of Soviets declared itself the supreme governing body, while Alexander Kerensky’s attempt to retake the capital failed. The Russian Civil War looms as the country grapples with this seismic shift.”

2. Radical Newspaper in Britain:
   Headline: “Bolshevik Triumph: Workers’ Revolution Sweeps Petrograd!”
   “The Bolshevik Party, under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin, has successfully seized power in Petrograd. The Winter Palace, once the seat of authority, now lies in the hands of the revolutionaries. The provisional government, led by Alexander Kerensky, has been dissolved, and the Second Congress of Soviets claims supremacy. The Russian Civil War begins, as the working class rallies behind the Bolshevik cause.”

3. Bolshevik Newspaper in Russia:
   Headline: “Victory of the Proletariat: Bolsheviks Seize Power!” “Comrades, rejoice! The long-awaited revolution has arrived. On 24 October 1917, the Bolshevik Party, guided by Vladimir Lenin, stormed the Winter Palace in Petrograd. The provisional government crumbled, and the Second Congress of Soviets now governs the land. The struggle against capitalist forces intensifies as we embark on the path of socialism.

Respected Stalin,

I am writing to you as a middle-level wheat farmer who has been deeply affected by the policy of collectivisation. Allow me to express my concerns and objections regarding the current conditions of my life. For years, I diligently cultivated my fields, sowed wheat, and reaped the harvest. The land was my livelihood, and I took pride in its productivity. However, under the collectivisation policy, my individual ownership has been stripped away. My once-private land is now part of a large collective farm, and I have lost control over its management and decisions. Decisions about crop rotation, planting, and other agricultural practices are made collectively. As a farmer, I feel disempowered because I no longer have a say in these matters. The bureaucracy and inefficiencies within the collective farm system often hinder productivity and innovation. My humble request to you, Comrade Stalin, is to reconsider the impact of collectivisation on small and middle-level farmers like me. We need a system that allows us to thrive while contributing to the collective good.

Two differences between the capitalist and socialist ideas of private property are:

1. Socialists were against private property, and saw it as the root of all social ills of the time whereas Capitalists were in favour of owning private property.
2. Socialists believed in distribution of profit earned to all while capitalists kept the profit with themselves.

1. The Poor Labourer Working in the Fields
   Ladies and gentlemen, Thank you for gathering here today to discuss an idea that has the potential to transform our lives—the concept of collective ownership. As a poor labourer toiling in the fields, I have experienced firsthand the hardships of life. My family and I work tirelessly under the scorching sun, hoping for a better future.
   Collective ownership ensures that everyone has an equal stake in the land. No longer will a few hold the ownership while the rest of us struggle to make ends meet. It’s time for fairness and justice. When we collectively own the land, we share the responsibility of maintaining it. We can pool our resources to improve irrigation, build better roads, and enhance our overall quality of life. No one will fear eviction or displacement. Collective ownership provides security even during tough times. So, let us embrace this vision. Let us stand united, shoulder to shoulder, and create a future where no one sleeps hungry, where every child receives an education, and where our sweat and labour benefit us all.

2. The Medium-Level Landowner
   Esteemed members of the assembly, I stand before you as a medium-level landowner — a person who has worked hard to cultivate and manage a piece of land. While I appreciate the ideals of collective ownership, I also recognize the complexities involved. Over the years, I’ve invested time, money, and effort into my land. It feels like an extension of myself. The thought of relinquishing it is daunting. Will collective ownership lead to efficient land use? How do we ensure that everyone contributes equally? Collective ownership fosters stronger community bonds. We can collaborate on projects, share knowledge, and collectively address challenges. During droughts or crop failures, we won’t bear the burden alone. Our collective strength will sustain us. My proposal is, let’s explore hybrid models — where we retain some individual ownership while contributing to communal projects. This way, we preserve our hard-earned gains while supporting the greater good.

3. The House Owner
   Distinguished attendees, As a house owner, I recognize that our homes are more than mere structures. Sharing house is not a practical idea. It is a private space which is built by our hard earned money. We will lose our privacy. How do we balance communal living with personal space? Who will maintain our homes? How do we prevent neglect? Therefore, I recommend to explore cooperative housing models. We retain our individual homes but collaborate on common facilities. Together, we can build a vibrant, caring neighborhood.

Following were the reasons of revolutionary disturbances in Russia in 1905:

1. There was discontent among workers due to oppressive work conditions, low wages and housing problems.
2. Peasants also faced challenges related to land ownership and economic hardship.
3. There were strikes, protests, and the formation of soviets (democratic workers’ councils) in retaliation of oppressive steps of Tsar Nicholas II.
4. The 1905 revolution played a crucial role in shaping Stalin’s political career and his association with the Bolsheviks. It was during this period that he began to emerge as a significant figure within the party

During the Russian Revolution of 1905, revolutionaries had several key demands as they pushed for political reforms and social change. There demands were:

1. Revolutionaries sought to transform the Russian government from an autocracy into a constitutional monarchy.
2. They demanded the establishment of a constitution that would limit the Tsar's absolute power and grant civil liberties to citizens.
3. Workers, peasants, and intellectuals joined forces to demand better living conditions. They sought shorter working hours, improved wages, and better treatment in factories and other workplaces.

As a general in the Tsar’s army stationed on the Eastern Front, I present this report to address the critical situation we face. The situation on the Eastern Front demands urgent attention. By implementing these recommendations, we can strengthen our position, boost morale, and achieve victory. Our troops have been engaged in intense combat, and it is imperative that we take strategic measures to improve our position. Here are my recommendations:

• The supply of rifles and artillery shells to our troops must be vastly improved.
• Invest in better transport infrastructure to ensure timely delivery of supplies, reinforcements, and medical aid to the front lines.
• Implement better trench warfare tactics to protect our troops and gain ground.
• Invest in intelligence networks to gather accurate information about enemy movements, troop strength, and supply lines.
• Prioritize the well-being of our troops.Proper nutrition, and medical care are essential for maintaining morale.
• Invest in training programs to enhance soldiers’ combat skills and adaptability.

(a) Five changes in the mood of the workers are given below:

1. As propaganda and discussion circles took place, workers became more engaged and aware of their collective struggle.
2. The shift from legal to illegal meetings indicates a growing sense of urgency and willingness to defy authority.
3. Workers gathered during lunch breaks, evening breaks, and near exits, demonstrating unity and determination.
4. Their vigilance suggests heightened awareness and commitment to their cause.
5. Despite management’s attempts to intervene (such as contacting the police), the workers continued with their speeches and decision-making. This defiance reflects a shift from passive acceptance to active resistance.

(b) I see a future where women and men stand side by side, where our hunger unites us, and where the streets resound with our demands. In the past, we whispered revolutionary ideas in dimly lit corners, our voices hushed, our hearts racing. Legal meetings were veiled in secrecy, and we tiptoed around official matters, fearing repercussions. Marfa’s impromptu strike was a beacon of courage. She stood up, unafraid, and her actions ignited a spark. We no longer hide in the shadows; we gather openly, our voices amplified by unity. She didn’t stand alone; she stood with us—the women, the men, the entire workforce. Our collective energy surged, drowning out the old order. Marfa Vasileva’s strike was a turning point— a promise that we won’t be silenced.

1. The Estate Owner’s Perspective — I watched the world shift beneath my feet. The news of the October Revolution arrived like a tempest, tearing through the tranquil fabric of our lives. The revolution unfolded painlessly, but its weight pressed upon us. The orchard, once lush with fruit, fell to the peasants’ axes. The stock farms— the heartbeat of our livelihood were requisitioned. Rumors swirled— a tide of uncertainty. Villages plotted, committees debated. Would they evict us? Amid this turmoil, I found solace in one truth. Conscience lived among our people. The revolution had awakened empathy. We were no longer masters; we were fellow travelers on a new path.

2. The Small Peasant’s Perspective — The October Revolution was our beacon. The day the news reached our village, hope blossomed. Free land! An end to war! We gathered in the square, our hearts pounding. We prepared for Soviet life—the life we’d dreamed of. Mikhail Mikhailovich, now a relic, watched as his world crumbled. The chairman— the face of change behaved politely. We respected that. We weren’t enemies; we were architects of a new order. Committees debated, but our resolve held. The estate was ours now. We’d tasted freedom, and it was sweet.

3. The Journalist’s Perspective — As a journalist, ink flowed from my pen, capturing history’s dance. The October Revolution was my muse. The revolution tiptoed into the estate. Painlessly, quietly, it rearranged lives. Mikhail Mikhailovich, once lord, now observer remained calm. The chairman’s politeness intrigued me. He balanced power and compassion. Two cows, two horses—their fate mirrored our nation’s. I chronicled their journey. Villages murmured, committees debated. Would conscience prevail? The estate hung in limbo. I penned articles, capturing the pulse of change. Conscience, the heartbeat of revolution beat louder than any gunshot.

The Bolsheviks controlled most of the former Russian empire by January 1920. People in Central Asia responded positively and with enthusiasm to the February Revolution of 1917 because the revolution freed them from the oppression of Tsar's regime and strengthened their hopes for autonomy. They responded with fear to the October Revolution of 1917, because the autocracy of Tsar was replaced by the autocracy of Bolsheviks. In Khiva in Central Asia, Bolshevik colonist brutally massacred local nationalists in the name of defending socialism. In this situation, people in Central Asia were confused about the real nature of Bolshevik Government. Therefore, people of Central Asia responded to the Russian Revolution differently.

1. In India, the situation of the workers and peasants was very bad. They were exploited by their masters. There were vast caste and class differences and the people were ignorant and backward. The writers were impressed by the fact that people in Russia were treated equally. There were orators and leaders among the workers and peasants who could express their plight and fight for their rights.

2. Socialism in Russia faced significant challenges related to bureaucracy and lack of innovation. The suppression of dissent and the complexities of managing a planned economy contributed to chaos. The Bolsheviks ruled like dictators and followed repressive policies to develop the nation quickly. The hard lives and poor working conditions of the people went unnoticed by these writers.

Social condition

1. About 85 per cent of the Russian empire's population were agriculturists. This proportion was higher than in most European countries.
2. Workers were a divided social group. Some had strong links with the villages from which they came. Others had settled in cities permanently.
3. Workers were divided by skill. Divisions among workers showed themselves in dress and manners too.
4. The majority religion was Russian Orthodox Christianity but the empire also included Catholics, Protestants, Muslims and Buddhists.
5. In the countryside, peasants cultivated most of the land but the nobility, the crown and the Orthodox Church owned large properties.
6. Peasants were also divided and they were also deeply religious. They had no respect for the nobility.
7. Nobles got their power and position through their services to the Tsar, not through local popularity.
8. Peasants wanted the land of the nobles to be given to them. Frequently, they refused to pay rent and even murdered landlords.

Economic conditions

1. Russia was a major exporter of grain. The cultivators produced for the market as well as for their own needs.
2. Industry was found in pockets. Prominent industrial areas were St Petersburg and Moscow.
3. Craftsmen undertook much of the production, but large factories existed alongside craft workshops.
4. Most industry was the private property of industrialists. Government supervised large factories to ensure minimum wages and limited hours of work.
5. Economically, Russia was facing challenges. Prices of essential goods were rising, while real wages decreased by 20%. Workers demanded better conditions and higher wages, leading to a series of events known as the 1905 Revolution.

Political condition

1. Russia was an autocracy. The Tsar was not subject to parliament.
2. Socialists were active in the countryside through the late nineteenth century.
3. Political parties were illegal before 1914. However, the Russian Social Democratic Workers Party was founded in 1898 by socialists who followed Marx's ideas.
4. This party was split into two groups — the Bolshevik group led by Lenin and the Mensheviks group.
5. This party struggled for peasants' rights and demanded that land belonging to nobles be transferred to peasants.
6. Social Democrats and Socialist Revolutionaries worked with peasants and workers to demand a constitution leading to the revolution of 1905.

The working population in Russia was different from other countries in Europe, before 1917 in the following ways:

1. Unlike other european countries, workers in Russia were a divided social group. Some had strong links with the villages from which they came. Others had settled in cities permanently.
2. Workers in Russia were divided by skill. Metal workers considered themselves aristocrats among other workers because their occupation demanded more training and skill.
3. Divisions among workers showed themselves in dress and manners too.
4. Trade unions and workers’ movements were less developed in Russia. Some workers formed associations to help members in times of unemployment or financial hardship but such associations were few.
5. Despite their differences, workers joined together to strike when they disagreed with employers about dismissals or work conditions.

The Tsarist autocracy collapsed in 1917 due to a combination of following factors:

1. The Tsar, Nicholas II, imposed restrictions on political activity and changed voting laws. He dismissed any questioning of or restrictions on his authority, leading to growing dissatisfaction among the people.
2. The Tsar’s decisions during World War I were made without consulting the Duma (the Russian parliament). Large-scale casualties of Russian soldiers in the war further alienated the population from the Tsar.
3. Economic instability exacerbated the situation, affecting the livelihoods of ordinary citizens.
4. Social unrest was widespread, with workers and peasants demanding better conditions and higher wages. There was reduction in wages and inflation in prices of commodities.
5. The rise of revolutionary sentiments, fueled by socialist and Bolshevik movements, contributed to the collapse of the autocratic regime.

February Revolution

The February Revolution initiated a chain of events that led to the collapse of the Tsarist autocracy and the rise of provisional governance. The monarchy was replaced by the Provisional Government, which aimed to create a permanent democratic-parliamentary polity for Russia. After Nicholas II’s abdication, the Provisional Government was formed under the leadership of Georgy Lvov. The February Revolution marked the first stage of the Russian Revolution of 1917.

October Revolution

Lenin, Prime Minister Kerenskii, Leon Trotskii were the major names in October revolution. The October Revolution, driven by Bolshevik ideals, shifted power to the working class and laid the groundwork for the Soviet state.

Both revolutions shaped the course of 20th-century history, influencing global politics, ideology, and social structures

The Bolsheviks were totally opposed to private property. The main changes brought about by the Bolsheviks immediately after the October Revolution were:

1. Most industry and banks were nationalised in November 1917. This meant that the government took over ownership and management.
2. Land was declared social property and peasants were allowed to seize the land of the nobility.
3. In cities, Bolsheviks enforced the partition of large houses according to family requirements.
4. They banned the use of the old titles of aristocracy.

Kulaks — The well to do peasants were known as Kulaks. The Bolsheviks used the term to chastise peasants who withheld grain from them during the Russian Revolution. Stalin’s collectivisation program targeted kulaks, leading to their persecution, deportation, and loss of property. They were raided for enforced grain collections.

The Duma — The Duma was the elected legislative body in Russia from 1906 until its dissolution during the March 1917 Revolution. The Duma was established by Tsar Nicholas II in response to the 1905 revolution and aimed to be a representative assembly. However, its powers were limited, and it rarely enjoyed the cooperation of the ministers or the emperor.

Women workers between 1900 and 1930 — The factory labour force in Russia was constituted by women workers in large numbers (31%). However, women were paid significantly less than men for their work. Women workers led strikes during the February Revolution. Marfa Vasileva almost single handedly called a successful strike at the Lorenz telephone factory.

The Liberals — The groups which looked to change society were the liberals. Liberals wanted a nation which tolerated all religions. Liberals also opposed the uncontrolled power of dynastic rulers. They wanted to safeguard the rights of individuals against governments. They argued for a representative, elected parliamentary government, subject to laws interpreted by a well-trained judiciary that was independent of rulers and officials. They did not believe in universal adult franchise, that is, the right of every citizen to vote. They felt men of property mainly should have the vote. They also did not want the vote for women.

Stalin's collectivisation programme — By 1927-1928, the towns in Soviet Russia were facing an acute problem of grain supplies. The government fixed prices at which grain must be sold, but the peasants refused to sell their grain to government buyers at these prices. Stalin, who headed the party after the death of Lenin, introduced firm emergency measures. He believed that rich peasants and traders in the countryside were holding stocks in the hope of higher prices. Party members toured the grain-producing areas, supervising enforced grain collections, and raiding ‘kulaks'. Under Stalin’s collectivisation program, peasants were forced to cultivate collective farms. Land and implements were transferred to the ownership of collective farms. Peasants worked on the land, and kolkhoz profits were shared. Those who resisted collectivisation were severely punished and often deported